Download Agreement Restrictions by D'Alessandro, Roberta, D'alessandro Roberts PDF

By D'Alessandro, Roberta, D'alessandro Roberts

This e-book brings jointly students who've been engaged on contract regulations in the generative framework. The articles variety from syntactic to morphological methods, investigating assorted domain names of contract regulations, similar to the individual Case Constraint, nominative items, and Quirky Case regulations in a sequence of ecu and Non-European languages, offering new information and novel analyses for either, new and famous evidence. This booklet collects diversified and appropriate stories during this box and offers a normal assessment of the various theoretical ways fascinated by the morphological, syntactic and semantic houses of contract limit phenomena.

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In Section 6, we turn to bona fide agreement between T and the absolutive argument, and demonstrate the effects of dative intervention on this Agree relation. The paper ends with a general summary in section 7. 2. Background: Division of labor within the grammar The general model of grammatical computation assumed here is one in which syntactic operations put together phrases and heads, and in which agreement involves copying of abstract morphosyntactic features with no phonological content. We assume the model of Chomsky (2000), in which the Agree operation establishes a syntactic relation between a functional category (a Probe) and a category within its c-command domain (the Goal).

Notes on the Person Case Constraint in Germanic 21 Two DPs that check and value the φ-features of T or v cannot have conflicting feature specifications as this will lead to contradictory values for the features of T and v. Following Bejar (2003) I assume that in the languages under discussion the probe is not fully specified (as 1st and 2nd person), but only specified as [+/-person]. Languages fully specified for person show finer grained hierarchical effects (see Bejar 2003 for discussion). 3.

They find the combination 1st DO 3rd IO in (34), repeated here as (45), grammatical under the DO>IO serialization (45b) and ungrammatical under the IO>DO serialization (45a): (45) a. dat Jan ’r/’m me voorstelde IO DO her/ him me ‘that Jan introduced me to her/him’ b. *dat Jan me DO ’r/’m IO voorstelde 34 Elena Anagnostopoulou The “tucking in” analysis of the surface order of weak pronouns in Swiss German and Dutch explains the fact that the PCC arises in the DAT >ACC order and not in the ACC >DAT order.

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